In this talk, we report the results of an experiment examining variation in the production of Modern Hebrew Spirantization (MHS). MHS is characterized by the alternation of the stops [p], [b], and [k] with [f], [v], and [χ], respectively. Fricatives generally occur in post-vocalic position and stops occur elsewhere. This alternation is especially noticeable in verbal paradigms where a specific segment within a root may occur in different syllable positions, as in [lifgoʃ] ‘to meet’ and [pagaʃ] ‘he met’. However, there are exceptions to MHS. Exceptional segments are non-alternating [p], [b], [k], [f], [v], and [χ] which, for historical reasons, can surface as stops in post-vocalic position or as fricatives elsewhere. Some exceptional segments are represented differently from their alternating counterparts (i.e. alternating [k]/[χ] is represented by one grapheme, non-alternating [k] is represented with another, and non-alternating [χ] by yet another). The frequency of exceptions to MHS in the modern lexicon has led to the acceptability of non-alternation in segments that ought to alternate (Adam 2002, Temkin Martinez 2010). In a perception experiment, Temkin Martinez (2010) found that variation was more acceptable in post-consonantal position than in other positions. In the current experiment, 48 native speakers of Modern Hebrew participated in a sentence-completion task containing both real and nonce verbs. Variation patterns in the production of both real and nonce verbs matched those reported in Temkin Martinez (2010), with post-consonantal position driving the effect of word position. Additionally, patterns for nonce verbs indicated higher instances of non-alternation for segments for which there are different orthographic representations for alternating and exceptional segments.