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<title>Michael D. Gilbert</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2012  All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert</link>
<description>Recent documents in Michael D. Gilbert</description>
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<lastBuildDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 18:52:05 PST</lastBuildDate>
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<title>Disclosure, Credibility, and Speech</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/13</link>
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<pubDate>Mon, 31 Oct 2011 06:51:37 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Conventional wisdom, embraced by judges and scholars alike, holds that mandatory disclosure chills political speech.  That must be right for some actors.  Disclosure imposes costs on speech, and that will lead some speakers on the cost-benefit margin to remain silent.  However, the conventional wisdom may be wrong at the aggregate level.  If you raise the price of a lottery ticket and increase the odds of winning, you might sell more tickets.  By the same logic, if disclosure raises the price of speech and also reveals – or induces – better odds of getting a favorable outcome, speakers might engage in more speech.  Disclosure might reveal or induce those better odds by uncovering information about politicians’ credibility.  I explain why and consider legal implications.</p>

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<author>Michael D. Gilbert</author>


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<title>Judicial Independence and Social Welfare</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/12</link>
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<pubDate>Wed, 13 Jul 2011 10:54:18 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This paper develops a framework for identifying the socially optimal degree of judicial independence.  It begins by reducing a large, complex set of arguments and findings about judicial independence to two dimensions:  a judge’s propensity for legalism, and her congruence with the policy preferences of the median citizen.  Greater independence can augment both characteristics, detract from both, or push them in opposite directions.  The third possibility yields an interesting tradeoff:  independent judges make fewer non-legalistic decisions, each imposing a high cost on society, and dependent judges make more non-legalistic decisions, each imposing a low cost on society.  I show that standard arguments about judicial independence are incomplete, that society may prefer a dependent judge to adjudicate minority rights, that the determinacy of law can be irrelevant to the choice of judge, and that policy positions in this debate often rest on fundamental and contestable assumptions about the value of law.</p>

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<author>Michael D. Gilbert</author>


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<title>Reply to Hasen and Matsusaka</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/11</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 14 Sep 2010 16:55:57 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>The single subject rule, a widespread and oft-litigated state constitutional provision limiting ballot initiatives to one “subject,” has confounded judges, lawyers, and scholars for decades. The problem grows from the inability to define “subject” with precision. In A Theory of Direct Democracy and the Single Subject Rule, we attempt to solve this problem. We propose a democratic process theory of the rule, which interprets “subjects” in terms of voters’ preferences. Our theory yields a precise, objective test for determining if an initiative complies with the rule. Proper application of our test would achieve the rule’s purposes of eliminating logrolling and riding.</p>
<p>Professors Richard Hasen and John Matsusaka, experts in election law and direct democracy, are skeptical of our approach. We appreciate their thoughtful comments, which have contributed helpfully to the debate. However, we think their skepticism misses the mark. They seem to confuse opposition to the single subject rule itself with opposition to our test.</p>

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<author>Michael D. Gilbert et al.</author>


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<title>Direct Democracy, Courts, and Majority Will</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/10</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 14 Sep 2010 11:06:31 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This paper reviews Direct Democracy and the Courts by Ken Miller.</p>
<p>Voters in many states use ballot propositions to enact laws on everything from term limits and abortion to taxes and same-sex marriage.  Many of these propositions test the boundaries of federal and state constitutional law.  This pits the people, who support the propositions and who are sovereign, against the parchment, which derives authority from ratification by people who came before.  Judges, some elected, mediate this conflict by interpreting vague constitutional language.  These ingredients make judicial review of propositions explosive.  The practice exposes fundamental tensions in American law, including conflicts over when minority rights should yield to majorities, the reach of judicial review, and the optimal level of judicial independence.</p>
<p>In Direct Democracy and the Courts, Ken Miller, a political scientist and lawyer at Claremont McKenna College, makes an important and impressive contribution to scholarship in this field.  The book blends history, institutional analysis, case law, and comprehensive data to tell the story of propositions, courts, and the constitutions that bind them.  Miller does not advance a theory but instead explores a theme:  the relationship between the initiative process and the judiciary.  Sometimes that relationship has been contentious, manifesting the conflict between popular sovereignty and the judiciary that has simmered since the founding.   Other times the relationship has been harmonious.  Miller describes the times, places, and manners in which that relationship has developed.</p>

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<author>Michael D. Gilbert</author>


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<title>Does Law Matter?  Theory and Evidence from Single Subject Adjudication</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/9</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jul 2008 14:51:47 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Empirical studies have examined the effects of law and politics on judicial decision-making, but many legal scholars are dissatisfied with how these studies account for law.  This paper provides a novel survey technique for measuring law.  I demonstrate this technique by examining judicial decision-making in cases involving the single subject rule.  The rule limits ballot propositions to one “subject,” a standard that vests judges with some discretion.  Measures of law developed with the surveys strongly predict judges’ votes in single subject cases.  Moving from the proposition in the sample with the lowest subject count to the one with the highest is associated with a 78 percentage point increase in the likelihood of a judge finding a violation of the rule.  Measures of ideology also predict judges’ votes, especially when propositions are politically salient and when the law is indeterminate.</p>

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</description>

<author>Michael D. Gilbert</author>


<category>Constitutional Law</category>

<category>Law and Economics</category>

<category>Law and Politics</category>

<category>Legislation</category>

<category>Direct Democracy</category>

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<title>Less Can Be More:  Conflicting Ballot Proposals and the Highest Vote Rule</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/8</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 04 Aug 2007 04:55:10 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This paper examines conflicting ballot proposals—two or more measures that run contrary to one another and that citizens vote on in the same election.  Sometimes a majority votes in favor of more than one conflicting proposal, generating a legal impasse that courts resolve by applying the “highest vote rule.”  The rule upholds the proposal that received the greatest number of affirmative votes and invalidates all competing proposals, even though they also garnered majority support.  Using spatial models, we show that the proposal receiving the most votes is not systematically closest to the median voter’s ideal point, and consequently the rule can generate anti-majoritarian outcomes.  We discuss the implications of our finding, analyze and reject existing alternatives to the highest vote rule, and propose an original solution to the problem.</p>

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</description>

<author>Michael D. Gilbert et al.</author>


<category>Constitutional Law</category>

<category>Law and Economics</category>

<category>Law and Politics</category>

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<item>
<title>Single Subject Rules and the Legislative Process</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/6</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 21 Nov 2006 09:28:47 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Despite generating thousands of cases on important public issues, the single subject rule remains a source of uncertainty and inconsistency. The root of the problem lies in the inability to define the term "subject" using legal doctrine. This paper reexamines the single subject rule through the lens of public choice theory and finds that its purposes are wrongheaded. Logrolling is not necessarily harmful, and improving political transparency requires legislative compromises to be packaged together rather than spread across multiple acts. Riding is not a form of logrolling but an analytically distinct and more threatening practice. This analysis yields a precise, political definition of "subject" and a new framework for resolving single subject disputes.</p>

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</description>

<author>Michael D. Gilbert</author>


<category>Constitutional Law</category>

<category>Law and Economics</category>

<category>Law and Politics</category>

<category>Legislation</category>

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<item>
<title>A Theory of Direct Democracy and the Single Subject Rule</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/michael_d_gilbert/2</link>
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<pubDate>Mon, 20 Nov 2006 22:01:41 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Citizens in many states use direct democracy to make laws on everything from soda bottles and horse meat to affirmative action and same-sex marriage. Does direct democracy save citizens from corrupt legislators, or does it enfeeble competent representatives and empower an ignorant crowd? These ideological extremes often collide in court over a state constitutional provision—the single subject rule—that limits ballot initiatives to one “subject.” Opponents can invalidate an initiative by convincing a court that it contains two subjects (say, marriage and domestic partnerships), while proponents can prevail by showing that it contains only one (say, same-sex unions). Despite hundreds of cases, judges and scholars have been unable to define a “subject” with precision. The result is inconsistent case outcomes, accusations of judicial activism, and calls to repeal the single subject rule.</p>
<p>Logic and language cannot yield a precise definition of “subject.” Instead, the definition must flow from citizens’ preferences and the democratic political process. Separability of issues in the minds of most voters implies an obligation to separate on the ballot, and inseparability implies permission to combine on the ballot. When a plaintiff contends that an initiative contains two subjects, the court should ask whether the majority of voters’ support for the first component hinges on whether the second becomes law. If the answer is “no,” then most voters can make their choice on each component separately. Consequently, the court should find that the initiative contains two subjects. Conversely, if the answer is “yes,” then most voters need to decide on both components simultaneously, and the court should find that the initiative contains one subject. The democratic process test increases citizens’ choices, just as direct democracy was designed to do, and preserves the legislature’s exclusive power to bundle issues and roll logs.</p>

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</description>

<author>Robert D. Cooter et al.</author>


<category>Constitutional Law</category>

<category>Law and Economics</category>

<category>Law and Politics</category>

<category>Legislation</category>

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