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<title>Kim Forde-Mazrui</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2011  All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui</link>
<description>Recent documents in Kim Forde-Mazrui</description>
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<lastBuildDate>Wed, 27 Jul 2011 06:36:42 PDT</lastBuildDate>
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<title>Tradition as Justification: The Case of Opposite-Sex Marriage</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/8</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 19 Jun 2010 18:45:39 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>A central point of contention in the national debate over same-sex marriage is the importance of preserving tradition. That debate also features prominently in constitutional litigation over bans on same-sex marriage.  Opponents of such bans argue that tradition is an illegitimate justification for them, while defenders of traditional marriage contend that tradition is not only a legitimate justification, it is sufficiently important to withstand heightened judicial scrutiny.</p>
<p>This article assesses tradition as a justification for laws challenged on equal protection grounds, with a focus on laws that limit marriage to different-sex couples.  The article makes two main points.  First, it considers and concludes that a state’s interest in preserving tradition – including the tradition of different-sex marriage -- is probably legally sufficient to survive the most deferential standard of rational basis review under the Equal Protection Clause.</p>
<p>Second, the article argues, courts should nonetheless view tradition with skepticism when offered to justify laws challenged on equal protection grounds.  Tradition exhibits certain features or “indicia of suspectness” that counsel skepticism.  Those features include tradition’s speculative utility, rhetorical appeal, and manipulability.  Additionally, tradition is especially suspicious when offered to justify laws that burden a group toward whom there has been a cultural shift from widespread societal disapproval in the past to substantial public tolerance today.  In such circumstances, tradition may serve as a convenient justification for people who are actually motivated by now-repudiated attitudes toward the burdened group.  For bans on same-sex marriage, the article contends, courts should invalidate such laws unless, after careful scrutiny, courts are satisfied that legitimate, non-tradition-based interests actually motivated them.</p>

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<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Civil Rights</category>

<category>Family</category>

<category>Sexual Orientation</category>

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<title>Taking Conservatives Seriously: A Moral Justification for Affirmative Action and Reparations</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/7</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jun 2010 05:31:56 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>Underlying the debate over affirmative action and reparations for black Americans is a dispute about the extent to which American society is responsible for present effects of past racial discrimination. Although much has been written on the subject, the scholarship too often sheds more heat than light, and tends to be dominated by extreme positions incapable of taking opposing claims seriously. This Article weighs in on this debate in a novel and constructive manner. The Article defends a societal obligation to remedy past discrimination by accepting, rather than dismissing, principles of conservatives who oppose affirmative action and reparations. Taking conservatives seriously reveals two moral principles that support a societal obligation to remedy past discrimination. The first principle is that racial discrimination is unjust. The second principle is corrective justice: that one who wrongfully harms another is obligated to make amends. Applied to affirmative action, these principles support conservative claims that a state is obligated to make amends to white victims of racial preferences. These principles, however, also support America’s responsibility for past societal discrimination against blacks. To the extent society participated in wrongful discrimination, society is obligated, as a matter of corrective justice, to make amends to its black victims. A potential moral conflict thus exists between society’s obligation to refrain from “reverse” discrimination and its obligation to remedy past discrimination. That is, the moral case against affirmative action also supports a moral case in its favor. The Article responds to the most serious objections to a societal obligation to remedy past discrimination. These include that America as a whole is not responsible for discrimination practiced by only some states and private actors, that it is unfair to hold current society responsible for discrimination by past society, and that blacks today ought not be viewed as victims of past discrimination, given the passage of time and the extent to which black people’s choices have perpetuated their own disadvantage. This Article concludes that these objections fail to defeat America’s responsibility for the consequences of her discriminatory history. America as a nation was responsible for protecting slavery and discrimination, a responsibility that belongs to the nation as a nation and therefore continues over time despite changeover in the American citizenry. American society is also responsible for black people’s choices that may perpetuate their disadvantage because those choices reflect a foreseeable reaction to conditions created by societal discrimination. The moral imperative to remedy past discrimination, moreover, outweighs the risk of imprecision in doing so. Ultimately, conservative opposition to remedial policies is based on principles that counsel in favor of such policies as much as and arguably more than they counsel against them.</p>

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</description>

<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Civil Rights</category>

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<title>The Constitutional Implications of Race-Neutral Affirmative Action</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/6</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jun 2010 05:10:06 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>This paper explores the constitutional implications of race-neutral affirmative action, i.e., governmental efforts to pursue affirmative action goals, such as remedying discrimination and promoting diversity, through non-racial means. For example, to increase minority enrollment, some public universities give weight in the admission process to economic background. This paper suggests that such "race-neutral" policies may be just as unconstitutional as racial preferences if they are motivated by arguably discriminatory (against whites) purposes. I then present two doctrinal defenses of race-neutral affirmative action. First, assuming that strict scrutiny would apply to such policies, I argue that remedying discrimination, even so-called "societal discrimination," should qualify as compelling when pursued through race-neutral means. Second, I argue that race-neutral affirmative action should only be subject to rational basis review. The principal point here is that the purposes of remedying racial discrimination and promoting diversity are not themselves "racially discriminatory" purposes that trigger heightened review. Policies that pursue such purposes without discriminating by race as a means thereto are therefore constitutionally unobjectionable.</p>

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<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Constitutional Law</category>

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<title>Live and Let Love (Reviewing Randall Kennedy, Interracial Intimacies: Sex, Marriage, Identity and Adoption (2003))</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/5</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jun 2010 05:04:06 PDT</pubDate>
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<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Family</category>

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<title>Jural Districting: Selecting Impartial Juries Through Community Representation</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/4</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jun 2010 04:54:04 PDT</pubDate>
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<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Criminal Law and Procedure</category>

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<title>Learning Law Through the Lens of Race</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/3</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jun 2010 04:45:39 PDT</pubDate>
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<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Civil Rights</category>

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<title>Black Identity and Child Placement: The Best Interests of Black and Biracial Children</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/2</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jun 2010 04:33:23 PDT</pubDate>
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<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Family</category>

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<title>Ruling Out the Rule of Law</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/kim_forde_mazrui/1</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 08 Mar 2007 14:40:06 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>Although criminal justice scholars continue to debate the overall value of the void-for-vagueness doctrine, broad consensus prevails that requiring crimes to be defined in specific terms reduces law enforcement discretion.  A few scholars have questioned this assumption, but the conventional view remains dominant.  This Article intends to resolve the question whether the void-for-vagueness doctrine really reduces police discretion.  It focuses on traffic enforcement, a context in which laws are both specific and subject to discretionary enforcement.  The Article concludes that specific rules do not constrain discretion unless judicial limits are placed either on the scope of activities that may be criminalized or on police authority to under-enforce the laws.  The Article also argues that the Supreme Court's response to specific-rule discretion is inadequate.  The Court reassures that the Equal Protection Clause protects against discriminatory traffic enforcement.  The Court fails to appreciate that antidiscrimination review is inherently ineffective when applied to broadly discretionary decisions.  Legislatures have thus circumvented existing doctrinal constraints on delegating discretion, but the Court has thus far failed to develop an adequate doctrinal response.  Finally, the Article considers some remedial and constitutional implications of its analysis.  Ultimately, the Article argues, judicial checks on specific-rule enforcement are required to maintain a balance between individual liberty and crime control in a constitutional regime committed to the rule of law.</p>

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</description>

<author>Kim Forde-Mazrui</author>


<category>Civil Rights</category>

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