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<title>David Pimentel</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2012  All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel</link>
<description>Recent documents in David Pimentel</description>
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<title>Criminal Child Neglect and the &quot;Free Range Kid&quot;: Is Overprotective Parenting the New Standard of Care?</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/11</link>
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<pubDate>Thu, 09 Feb 2012 14:38:21 PST</pubDate>
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	<p>In the last generation, American parenting norms have shifted strongly in favor of Intensive Parenting, placing particular emphasis on protecting children from risks of harm.   Recently, a backlash to this trend has emerged.   “Free Range” parenting is based on the concern that coddling children through overprotection inhibits the development of their independence and responsibility.  Indeed, a growing body of literature suggests that parental overreaction to remote and even illusory risks of physical harm is exposing children to far more serious risks to their well-being and development.  But the powerful influence of media has sensationalized the risks to children, skewing popular perceptions of the genuine risks children face and of what constitutes a reasonable or appropriate response to such risks.  Consequently, individuals who do not buy into Intensive Parenting norms, including those from different cultural and socio-economic backgrounds, may be subjecting themselves to criminal prosecution for child neglect and endangerment.  The criminal statutes are, for the most part, very vague, leaving these prosecutions—which amount to little more than one person’s second-guessing the parenting choices of another—in the discretion of prosecutors, who bring the charges, and of juries, who render verdicts.  If prosecutors and jurors share the media-fed misperceptions of risk, overprotective parenting becomes the de facto legal standard of care. To counter this possibility, it is necessary to define criminal child neglect with far greater specificity and to allow defendants to introduce expert testimony to put the actual risks to children, as well as the downside risk of the precautions themselves, in perspective.  Absent such changes, fear of prosecution may effectively force parents to conform to the overprotective parenting norm, to the detriment of society, families, and the children themselves.</p>

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<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>Criminal Law and Procedure</category>

<category>Domestic Relations</category>

<category>General Law</category>

<category>Juveniles</category>

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<title>Legal Pluralism and the Rule of Law:  Can Indigenous Justice Survive?</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/9</link>
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<pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2010 12:31:11 PST</pubDate>
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<author>David Pimentel</author>


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<title>Judicial Independence at the Crossroads:  Grappling with Ideology and History in the New Nepali Constitution</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/8</link>
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<pubDate>Mon, 11 Oct 2010 08:00:45 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>Nepal is struggling to produce a new constitution, the blueprint for a new post-monarchic state, and major conflicts over the structure of the new judiciary have arisen.  The rhetoric of the debate is deceiving, however. All sides argue for the same things, including judicial independence and accountability, but profound ideological differences vest those words with very different meanings for each party.  Resolving these issues will require a mutual appreciation of the ideological differences and of the historical roots of the judiciary’s problems.  The path forward begins with recognition that the answer does not necessarily lie in “international best practices” or other one-size-fits-all solutions.  Nepal’s particular situation calls for a judiciary that, at least at this stage, emphasizes judicial accountability.  As long as a culture of judicial corruption persists, too much emphasis on judicial independence could do more harm than good.  Nonetheless, accountability mechanisms can and should be crafted to minimize the intrusions on judicial independence, particularly political interference.  Finally, unless and until the Supreme Court can command respect as a trusted guardian of legal rights, its power of judicial review should be entrusted to a new Constitutional Court that is not beholden to any one of the three branches of government.  Only by replacing the tried-and-failed (or at least tried-and-flawed) institutions the Maoists have rebelled against for so many years can Nepal hope forge some semblance of consensus on the terms of its new constitution, and chart a new future for the people of Nepal.</p>

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<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>International Law</category>

<category>Comparative Law</category>

<category>Law and Society</category>

<category>Constitutional Law</category>

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<title>Legal Pluralism in Post-colonial Africa:  Linking Statutory and Customary Adjudication in Mozambique</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/7</link>
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<pubDate>Wed, 07 Jul 2010 09:42:31 PDT</pubDate>
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	<p>Legal pluralism is a contemporary reality and a challenge in most post-colonial African states, as they grapple with how to preserve the cultural heritage reflected in their customary law and institutions, while attempting to function as modern constitutional regimes.   Few of them have found structural solutions for linkages between and mutual co-existence of multiple legal regimes within the same state.</p>
<p>The policy that will drive the establishment of proper linkages must be approached with an eye to what the purpose of preserving a legally pluralistic regime, distinguishing the motivations of many—colonists in the past, and political opportunists today—who have exploited pluralistic systems for their own self-interest.  It is also necessary to recognize and preserve the virtues inherent in customary systems—systems historically undervalued as “primitive,” and still under attack by those who see them as threats to the protection of human rights.</p>
<p>There are no easy answers for how to correlate and link pluralistic adjudication in post-colonial African states, and Mozambique may present a particularly troublesome case.  Although the precise mechanisms cannot be articulated with specificity, perhaps, the core underlying principles can.  Those principles should respect traditional systems and values, affording them dignity as independent systems.  To make them subservient to the state institutions, allowed to exist as long as they serve the state institutions on the state’s terms, would be nothing more than a repackaging and relabeling of tried-and-failed colonial approaches.</p>
<p>Instead, the pluralistic regime should operate on the principle of “maximizing” the role and impact of indigenous law, and giving equal dignity to the institutions that apply such law.  This will require state courts to defer to community-based adjudication, even declining to exercise jurisdiction when the case can be appropriately resolved in the latter forum.  It will grant concurrent jurisdiction wherever possible, supplementing it with consent jurisdiction for those who could not otherwise be subject to the authority of the traditional forum.</p>
<p>The most troubling aspects of traditional law, the oft-cited human rights violations, cannot be ignored.  A mechanism can and must be developed for guarding against those, doing as little violence as possible to the autonomy and dignity of traditional fora.  A system of collateral review—giving statutory courts limited jurisdiction to review a traditional forum’s decision for compliance with constitutional human rights standards—can serve that function.  It is calculated to tamper with traditional dispute resolution systems as little as possible, and to respect the community forum as much as possible.  Most importantly, it allows customary law to respond in its own way to the human rights requirements, not threatening customary law with restrictions, but strengthening customary law by fostering its legitimacy and relevance.   Most importantly, it will allow the customary law, and its application, to remain solely the province of traditional authorities, where it can continue to function as a vital and highly adaptive foundation in rural society.</p>
<p>Operational solutions—for Mozambique as well as other pluralistic societies that face similar challenges—will require ongoing attention, but the central values of legal pluralism can be maintained as long as the implementation does not stray from these core principles:  maximization of indigenous law, and equal dignity for the traditional forum.</p>

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<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>International Law</category>

<category>Comparative Law</category>

<category>Jurisdiction</category>

<category>Law and Society</category>

<category>Human Rights Law</category>

<category>Conflict of Laws</category>

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<title>Constitutional Concepts for the Rule of Law:  A Vision for the Post-monarchy Judiciary in Nepal</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/6</link>
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<pubDate>Mon, 31 Aug 2009 13:23:30 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>A new government has taken power in Nepal.  Intent on replacing the monarchical Hindu state with a secular democracy, they have promised a new Constitution.  Although they are operating under an Interim Constitution at the moment, it remains to be seen what the post-monarchy judiciary will look like.  Those involved in the drafting should pay careful attention to how specific provisions for court governance will impact both institutional and decisional judicial independence.  The Interim Constitution calls for a judicial council, but not a sufficiently independent one.  The Interim Constitution also allows broad exercise of emergency powers, depriving the courts of jurisdiction over the legality or constitutionality of such exercises—a particularly disturbing flaw given the history of abuse of emergency powers in Nepal in the past.  These, along with an array of other concerns that otherwise threaten to undermine the independence and effectiveness of the Third Branch of government in Nepal, can and should be corrected in the new Constitution.  This article sets forth those concerns and suggests solutions for each.  Nepal’s prospects for the rule of law may depend on how well the new Constitution’s drafters follow this punch-list of issues and principles as they establish the constitutional framework for the new Nepali judiciary.</p>

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</description>

<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>International Law</category>

<category>Comparative Law</category>

<category>Jurisdiction</category>

<category>Law and Society</category>

<category>Constitutional Law</category>

<category>Human Rights Law</category>

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<title>Rule of Law Reform without Cultural Imperialism:  Reinforcing Customary Justice through Collateral Review in Southern Sudan</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/5</link>
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<pubDate>Mon, 03 Aug 2009 15:16:12 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Rule of Law reform efforts in underdeveloped areas face daunting challenges:  (1) the stigma of imperialism when Western-style institutions are imposed, (2) the unwillingness of local communities to embrace the reforms, and (3)  a severe shortage of resources—human, physical, and financial.</p>
<p>At the same time, some of these underdeveloped and postconflict societies have highly functional customary law institutions (in Africa, e.g., a tribal chief applying a customary law handed down by oral tradition).  These systems enjoy public confidence and function on very limited budgets—often providing prompt and accessible dispute resolution in the community.  Unfortunately these indigenous systems do not always adhere to minimum standards of justice and human rights.</p>
<p>In response, Rule of Law reformers in such communities are now working to codify customary law, and/or create rights of appeal from the customary courts.  These misguided efforts serve only to deprive the tribal communities of ownership of and control over their law.  The reformers have failed to learn the lessons of colonialism, and threaten to perpetrate a new imperialism.</p>
<p>Instead, customary adjudication should be subject only to collateral review.  Statutory courts should defer fully to customary law adjudicators on the principles and application of customary law, and review their decisions only for compliance with minimum standards of justice and human rights (ideally those recognized in the local constitution and international human rights instruments the country has ratified).</p>
<p>Collateral review dignifies customary adjudication by respecting the customary courts’ determinations of law, while providing a safety net for those whose fundamental rights may be violated in customary court process.  This approach eschews the cultural imperialism inherent in so many rule of law reforms, relying on the more appropriate, and ultimately more effective, indigenous systems to build the rule of law in a way that the local populations will recognize, respect and, hopefully, embrace.</p>

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</description>

<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>International Law</category>

<category>Law and Society</category>

<category>Human Rights Law</category>

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<title>The Reluctant Tattle-tale:  Closing the Gap in Federal Judicial Discipline</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/4</link>
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<pubDate>Mon, 02 Mar 2009 14:05:46 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>A 2006 report on the implementation of the federal judicial discipline system, issued by a special judiciary committee chaired by Justice Stephen Breyer, concluded that overall the system works quite well.  We should not, however, take too much comfort in these conclusions, as serious problems persist beyond the Breyer Committee’s focus, in the judicial misconduct that attorneys are unwilling to report.  Indeed, when federal judges go bad, attorneys are usually the first to know, but the last to register a formal complaint.  There is, in fact, little incentive for attorneys to complain, and ample reason for them to keep quiet; attorneys involved in the judicial misconduct process face troubling ethical dilemmas and can suffer severe professional repercussions.  Even if the federal judiciary were to acknowledge the seriousness of the problem of attorney reluctance, it is not easily solved.  At the very least, the judiciary can do more to encourage and facilitate anonymous complaints.  The Judicial Conference’s response to the Breyer Committee report—quite inconsistently with the spirit of that report—discourages anonymous reporting and obscures its availability more than ever; this is clearly a step in the wrong direction that must be reversed.  In any case, the judiciary must confront and address the problem of the reluctant tattletale—finding ways to bring these complaints out and protect the attorneys involved—before it can defend the present system of judicial discipline as sound.</p>

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<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>Professional Ethics</category>

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<title>Reframing the Independence v. Accountability Debate:  Defining Judicial Structure in Light of  Judges’ Courage and Integrity</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/2</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 15 Mar 2008 22:07:59 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>The perennial debate over striking the right balance between judicial independence and judicial accountability largely misses the mark.  The tension between these concepts arises only in the structural sense of the terms, i.e. the conflict lies in the structural approaches traditionally taken to protect independence and to enforce accountability.  In actuality, our primary concern should be the judge’s own sense of independence and her internal sense of accountability. These more subjective concepts –which may be termed “judicial courage” (for the judge who is willing to act independently) and “judicial integrity” (for the judge who is willing to hold herself accountable) – do not conflict with each other and therefore need not be balanced.  The structural protections (to insulate judges from outside influence) and the accountability mechanisms (to police judicial misconduct) are still important, but these structures should be considered in terms of their impact on judges’ exercise of courage and integrity.  Given cultural and personal differences in judges, however, the optimal structural prescription is highly variable.  This article demonstrates how the proper balance depends on the judicial culture and the judges already in the system, illustrating through a graphical analysis how to craft a system-specific approach to such policy questions.  The analysis also yields a caution that any attempt to impose a one-size-fits-all solution for protecting independence while promoting accountability may well do more harm than good.</p>

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</description>

<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>International Law</category>

<category>Comparative Law</category>

<category>Law and Society</category>

<category>Constitutional Law</category>

</item>






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<title>Restructuring the Courts:  In Search of Basic Principles for the Judiciary of Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina</title>
<link>http://works.bepress.com/david_pimentel/1</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 02 Oct 2007 13:08:39 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Judicial reform is afoot throughout at the world at present, but few judicial reform projects are ambitious enough to include a complete restructuring of a court system – redefining the number, size, and location of courts, as well as their territorial and subject-matter jurisdiction.  The comprehensive court restructuring initiative in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, therefore, had little precedent to follow.  This article summarizes the principles that governed that project and attaches the previously unpublished Report of the court restructuring team, for the benefit of future efforts along similar lines.</p>
<p>The principles established and lessons learned in the Bosnian court restructuring may be applicable in a wide variety of court reform contexts, foreign and domestic, whether in terms of the substantive criteria used to justify a court’s existence or closure, or in terms of the approach taken to accommodate political sensitivities.  And with the publication of this Report, it should never again be necessary – on questions of the number, size and location of courts, system-wide – to work from a blank slate.</p>

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</description>

<author>David Pimentel</author>


<category>International Law</category>

<category>Comparative Law</category>

<category>Jurisdiction</category>

<category>Law and Society</category>

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